The Obafemi Awolowo University massacre was a series of shootings and murders which took place against students of Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria on Saturday, July 10, 1999. It resulted in the deaths of eight people and injuring of 11, all of them students at OAU.
It was perpetrated by an organized death squad of 40 members of the Black Axe Confraternity branch at the university. They invaded the Awolowo Hall
of the university at around 4:30 A.M., clad in black trousers and black
T-shirts, their faces hidden by masks; they carried and made use of
shotguns and hatchets against students.
By OLOLADE ADEWUYI
A
quiet veil covered the George Akinyemi Iwilade House, residence of
David Iwilade’s family along Odo-Ori, Ejigbo Road, Iwo, when this
reporter arrived there on a Sunday afternoon recently. The house named
after the slain former Secretary General of the Students’ Union
Government, SUG, of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife, Osun State
is a constant reminder for the Iwilade family that they once had a son
who might have been destined for greatness. Described by many as a
brilliant young leader, George was the smallest among the students’
executives but certainly the most articulate. He always wore an Afro
haircut and tailored Ankara buba and sokoto
on his small figure. But their hopes and George’s aspirations all came
to naught when he was brutally killed in his sleep in the early hours of
July 10, 1999 on his hostel bed by a group of over 15 hit men of the
Black Axe Confraternity. It was an incident which turned the serene
silence on the campus of Nigeria’s most celebrated university into
chaos.
Cultism
had never held much prestige on the campus because of the fervent
struggle by management and students to keep it at bay. The problem of
cultism in Nigeria took a new dimension as innocent students were shot
and hacked to their death. For previous cases of killings on campuses
had either involved a battle for supremacy among cult groups or more
commonly the fight over female love interests. This was an attack at the
soul of the SUG for daring to stand up to it. It was reminiscent of the
recently concluded struggle of civil society groups against military
rule, good versus evil. Less than two months into democratic rule, the
country was alerted to the new threat posed by the clandestine
activities of secret cults against constituted legal entities, one of
the bad legacies of the country’s many years under dictatorship. In that
gruesome attack, five promising students of the OAU met an untimely
death. Iwilade, 21, a Law student, who was a prime target of the
cultists for his stand against cultism, alongside innocent victims
Eviano Ekelemu, 24, a Medical student, Yemi Ajiteru, 30, extra-year
student of Religious Studies, Efe Ekpede, 26, Psychology, and Babatunde
Oke, 24, Philosophy were killed. Blood as well as tears flowed on the
well-kept green lawns of the varsity campus as dawn broke on that July
morning.
Ten
years after Iwilade and others were robbed of existence by this evil
group, not one person has been brought to justice for the act. It is a
disturbing fact that has made the family withdraw from the public eye
for a long time and also try to resist any act that might bring back sad
memories to it. Patriarch of the household David Iwilade refused to
speak with this reporter in Iwo recently leaving the task to Akin, the
late George’s younger brother. Since the intervening years, the family
had followed the criminal justice procedure that was setup to find the
killers of their son. First it was the Justice Okoi Itam-led Judicial
Commission of Inquiry that sat in the varsity campus to resolve the
situation. The panel shed great light on the causes of the crisis and
reprimanded the administration of Wale Omole for its high handed
treatment of students. It also exonerated him of any intent as claimed
by a faction of the SUG that he had sponsored the killings. Then it was
up to the Osun State judiciary to try three suspected cult members
arrested over the course of a week by students of the institution led by
its president Lanre Adeleke also known as Legacy. The criminal process
dragged on for five years with the court throwing out the case against
the suspects for lack of evidence. The families have since filed an
appeal at the Court of Appeal in Ibadan. But the suspects have posted
bail since and have lived as freemen for half a decade.
Even
though the Iwilade’s think it is impossible to rewrite history, the
magazine set about to unravel the mysteries which the killings threw up
for the society. Immediately after the incident, the SUG led by Adeleke
claimed that the killings had been perpetrated at the behest of
embattled outgoing vice chancellor Professor Wale Omole who had taken up
a strong ground against reinstating some of the expelled former leaders
of the union. Omole, a former student leader during his time as a
student of the institution was an easy target. From facts available to
the magazine, he had been abroad on official duties during the slaying
but was quickly alleged by the students to have masterminded the
killings, whether in good judgment or otherwise. It was the easiest
thing to do anyway because the bulk of the student body had become
disenchanted with his highhanded running of the institution. But it was
because of his strong principles that made him clash regularly with the
SUG over the reinstatement of former students’ leader Anthony Fasayo and
his group who had in 1995 disrupted the convocation ceremony of the
institution. Omole in lieu with the university Council had requested
that the expelled students apologise for their errant behaviour which
the students refused. It was a stand that created great tension on the
campus in the days leading up to the cult killings.
Earlier
on March 7, late Iwilade had led a group of students to arrest nine
alleged cultists who had arms and ammunition with them at the staff
quarters of the school. The nine boys, Evimori Kester, Dele Aromoloye,
Larry Obichie, Uche Obichie, Ikechukwu Mordi, Mayowa Adegoke, Olakanmi
Ogundele, Bruno Arinze and Lanre Ajayi who belonged to the Black Axe
Confraternity had been paraded around school by Iwilade and Kayode
Usamot, also known as Pintos, the financial secretary of the union. The
boys were later handed over to the police at Moore Police Station for
further prosecution. The school management sent out a release announcing
a suspension of the nine boys and commended the union for its fight “in
wiping out cultism” on the campus. That singular act by the students’
body was to set in motion the killings that occurred five months later.
Angered that its top members had been shabbily treated which created a
seeming impenetrability of the OAU by cultists and cultism, the Black
Axe family got together to exert a revenge on the university, most
importantly, the student leaders. Hence, the attacks that led to the
deaths of Iwilade and his comrades.
But
from TELL investigations, the attacks might have been just a
smokescreen to achieve some other ends in the university. Chief among
these aims was the removal of Omole as vice chancellor, to discredit him
and the process which he had put in place to select a new VC seeing
that his tenure was about to come to an end. Prior to the killings, a
panel had chosen three names out of a list of 22 eminent personalities
that had shown intention to become the new VC when Omole left the
institution that he had served for 31 years. Top on this list were men
that had worked with the outgoing VC and who were seen by the student
leaders as his cronies. They perceived that if any of these three became
VC, the policies of Omole would live on through them, chief being the
refusal to reinstate Fasayo and the expelled students. A form of chaos
was needed to undo the process as the names were about to be sent to
former President Obasanjo for ratification. Another twist in the race
was the issue of the agitation of lecturers from Ekiti state to produce
the next VC of the institution. Being the largest group of teachers in
the school, the body of eminently qualified Ekiti professors had always
agitated for one of their sons to become the next VC but the process of
selection had ensured for the umpteenth time that they were not going to
have that satisfaction because the top three people came from Ondo and
Ogun states. It was a tense period in the academia.
Another
of the major reasons for the chaos according to sources is that of the
crack within the leadership of the students union itself. Prior to the
killings, there had been a falling out between Adeleke and Idris Faro,
the public relations officer of the union. Faro had led a breakaway
which included Usamot, Tolu Ogunnimo, the welfare officer, Tunji Lawal,
assistant secretary general and Bimbo Faloye, the director of socials.
They were at loggerheads with Adeleke’s faction that included Iwilade
for its dogged attitude towards the reinstatement of the expelled
students. In a release titled Fraudsters masquerading as activists, Faro
had called for an end to the struggle for reinstatement because the
students involved had not shown penitence as required by the school.
Furthermore, he alleged that Adeleke had jettisoned the struggle against
the reinstatement by refusing to participate in a rally that was aimed
at disrupting the Nigeria ’99 football championships to hit home their
point after allegedly receiving some money from the Federal Government.
The counter claims and charges on all sides went on till the attacks on
the institution were perpetrated.
After
the attacks in the early morning of that fateful Saturday, many people
grieved all over the country. It was not the first time cultists were
killing fellow students but it was the first that involved casualty that
was non-cultists. The melee that followed saw the students leaders and
activist types hit town in search of the perpetrators. One of those
apprehended was Efosa Idahosa who under torture alleged that Omole had
been the brains behind the attacks. He later recanted. Two others,
Aisekhaghe Ikhile and Olufemi Samuel were tortured to death in the
custody of the students and their leaders. In the scamper to leave the
boiling atmosphere of the school, many students made unscheduled trips
home. Seyi Ojewale, a final year student of Economics died on his way to
Lagos to become part of the collateral damage. Several others had been
hurt during the attacks on the students and ended up being treated at
various hospitals in the town. Idahosa would later appear in court on
trial for murder alongside two other suspected cultists Kazeem Bello and
Emmanuel Oguaju. They were later discharged and acquitted after a three
year criminal process by the late Justice Yusuf of the Osogbo High
Court after the defendants put up a plea of “no case submission”. Niyi
Adewumi, lawyer to the students union who assisted the Osun director of
public prosecution, believes that the case was caught up in the internal
politics of the state judiciary at the time seeing that Justice Yusuf
lost interest in the proceedings because of his being overlooked for the
position of chief judge by the Bisi Akande administration. He says in
spite of a positive evidence of identification by a witness who claimed
to see Idahosa with arms on the morning of the murder, the court held
that he had no case to answer.
Instantly,
the federal government suspended Omole and appointed Roger Makanjuola, a
professor of Psychiatry and former chief medical director of the
Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital, OAUTH, as acting VC.
Makanjuola, who had lost out in the race for VC, was seen by many as a
unifying figure to help move the university forward from the imbroglio.
He set to his task helping to heal the wounds of the recent past with a
new style of administration that could at best be described as hands on.
He moved among the students freely and tried as much as possible to
ease their pains. A while after his appointment he made a move to
reinstate Fasayo and his expelled colleagues which doused the tension on
the campus. In a recent interview with the magazine, he stated
categorically that he never found any evidence to link Omole with the
killings, instead blaming it on the humiliation suffered by the Black
Axe.
But
a decade after, Adeleke still holds the same old grudges against Omole.
Speaking from his fish farm in Ota, Ogun State, Adeleke’s countenance
still remains strong. He spoke like he was on the dais addressing a
political meeting. Sometimes he got carried away and raised a finger in
the air with a penetrating stare that tells at heart he is a politician.
He alleges that Omole bought away the other half of the executive. On
his part, Faro, now a barrister at law with a thriving practice of his
own on Lagos Island, claims Adeleke lied about the incident. He said
Adeleke was quick to point accusing fingers at Omole because he knew
about the attacks. He claims the attacks were aimed at eliminating his
group and that Iwilade happened to have been the only major victim
within the executive. Usamot, now an accountant in Port Harcourt also
corroborates Faro’s views. Usamot says he “got tired of life and wept”
and claims it was obvious that the cultists explored the crisis within
the executive to perpetrate the attacks. “If the wall is not cracked,
lizards will not enter,” he says. United in their anger,
they all regret that ten years after, no one has been sent to jail for
the killings. “It is a statement to the fact that persons can commit
crime and go scotfree in a country that lays claim to the rule of law,”
says Faro angrily. For his part, Adeleke feels that it is “unfortunate
that the porous nature of our judicial system would allow the hand of
justice to be turned away”.
But
more important a lesson that should have been learnt from the Ife
crisis is the fact that cultism has grown unfettered in Nigeria, first
from the schools and now into a lingering problem which has eaten deep
into the nation's politics. The Federal government had an opportunity
to fight cultism through the Ife experience but did not, only releasing a
meager N10 million for each university to raise up billboards on
campuses denouncing cultism instead of rooting out the malaise. It is an
approach that failed which has resulted into a bigger problem in
society. “The cult boys of yesterday are now the political leaders of
today,” says Omole. “Our politics has been hijacked by former campus
thugs. Now cults fight for political relevance on the political sphere
rather than on campuses because there’s more money there.” It is a view
supported by Dayo Fadugba, a former PRO of the Ife SUG. He says that
society’s decadence led to the increase in cultism and that it is
glaring to all with the situation in the Niger Delta where politicians
have been sponsoring cultists to fight against their opponents thereby
heating up the system. Makanjuola posits that there are three ways to
end cultism. These he says are prevention, rehabilitation and
punishment. But the most important thing he says is the need to have a
cohesive students union that can band together to bring an end to the
malaise because it is the students who know their colleagues that are
into the vice. “If any organized students union decides to get rid of
cultism on campus, they will do it,” Makanjuola emphasizes.
Adewumi believes that cultism will continue to thrive until the
governmental agencies in charge of prosecuting illegal activities wake
up to their duty. “The attitude of the police and government have made
cultism thrive in Nigeria because they have not pursued tenaciously the
trial of people accused of murder,” he says.
Far
from the problem only being with the cults, students unions also share a
part of the blame. For the most part, most student unions on Nigerian
campuses are run like fascist organisations where those with the biggest
thugs are in charge of affairs. Instead of being an avenue for training
into leadership, unions have become a way to embezzle funds and ensure
the rule of force and brigandage. “Many student leaders seem to believe
that violence and oppression are the tools that they should use to get
their aim,” laments Makanjuola who suffered physical attacks from
students’ leaders during his tenure as the institution’s VC. Looking
back, Faro sees that there is too much exuberance among student leaders.
Like Golding’s marooned boys in the Lord of the Flies, while on
campus, students’ leaders forget that they have a responsibility to
society and their families but they go ahead and cause havoc. “It is not
wrong to try and change a bad system but they become part of the rot on
the long run because they end up not being able to account for
students’ funds and they try to hide their weaknesses by appealing to
the gullible sensibilities of the generality of the students to ensure
they’re never expelled or made to account for their stewardship,” Faro
says.
Still
for the families of the victims of July 10, 1999, the long wait for
justice continues. “We don’t care if the criminals were A or B, it
doesn’t matter who they are, all we are concerned about is that justice
is served for us the victims,” says Akin Iwilade. Time will tell if the
victims of Ife’s carnage ever get justice as the years roll over
themselves even as the dead turn in their graves with anger at a society
that allows the blood of its young to be spilt needlessly by criminal
gangs. The Abelian blood of Ife’s dead still cries out against the sons
of Cain that perpetrated the evil act.
Still so sad.....
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